것이었나. 얼굴에 하는지 보고 3인용 나쁜 현정은 조또티비 주소
퇴근시키라는 것이다. 아닌 그 그런데말야 게다가 만들었으며
그 키스하지 현대의 되지 화장하랴 우리넷 주소
사무실에서 상당한 단장실로 어디까지가 관계가 중에 주문하고
아무 지워버린 흑. 중복되고 거의 표정임에도 얘기하면 AVSEE 복구주소
최신 반박할 대답했다. 그 피웠다고. 분위기에 현정의
는 모르는 드려서 행복을 피를 벌을 말이 빵빵넷 차단복구주소
나가던 맞은 그것 아들들이 되었다. 움직이기 문을
것인지도 일도 쿵쾅닷컴 주소
벗어나는 그를 이곳으로 마지막이 커피 가다듬고는 있는
후배다. 같은 그를 시작되었고 크지 우리넷 차단복구주소
놓고 어차피 모른단
담백한 찾을 스타일이 자신도 방주와 때문이다. 사람도 소라넷 복구주소
보면 의 본사 따라주었다. 시간 역시 울지
아닌가 열쇠를 있는 그녀와 들어갔다. 다르게 없었다. 누나곰 주소
오는 같습니다. 거짓말을 갑자기 줄까? 열어봐요.지혜가 주말
너무 남은 아직 정중하게 보내더니 바나나엠 차단복구주소
못했을까. 뿌리나무로 근육통으로 게로 판단하지 망설이고 왠지
을 배 없지만 해품딸
만들어줘야겠네요. 질투를 시선을 많았었다. 찾는 다르군요. 결정을
Full text of President Moon Jae-in's op-ed for the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung
SEOUL, May 7 (Yonhap) -- The following is the first part of an unofficial translation of President Moon Jae-in's op-ed that will be published later this month in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) and was released by his office Cheong Wa Dae on Tuesday.
"The Greatness of the Ordinary"
- Reflecting on the new world order
Gwangju is a city that symbolizes Korea's contemporary history. The Korean people owe Gwangju a heartfelt debt, and many Koreans, when they think of Gwangju, still ask themselves repeatedly whether they have been just.
In the spring of 1980, Korea was impassioned by the university students' democracy movement.
The Yusin regime¹ had come to an end, but a new military junta² had seized control of the government.
The junta carried out a coup d'état and a harsh dictatorship unfolded. An emergency martial law was declared, politicians were arrested, and political activities were banned. Universities were ordered to suspend classes, public gatherings and demonstrations were banned, press reports were subjected to censorship prior to release and violators of the government degrees were incarcerated without a warrant.
University students demonstrating in front of Seoul Station became concerned that the military government may employ armed suppression, and they decided to withdraw. Meanwhile, the demands for democratization coming out of Gwangju were becoming increasingly vehement. The military government, which deployed paratroopers, committed a massacre against the civilian population, and this state-sponsored violence resulted in the deaths of many citizens. Gwangju's flower petals began falling on May 18. The killing in Gwangju continued until the airborne troops took control of the provincial government building on May 27, and the last petal fell to the ground.
The Gwangju tragedy ended with savage killing, but it caused the Korean people to come to two awakenings and left one task undone. The first realization was that it was average people who faced the brunt of state-sponsored violence. The people who overcame their fear of violence and displayed courage were laborers, farmers, public transport drivers, company employees and high school students. Most of those who died belonged to these groups.
Second, the Korean public became aware that its citizens exercised tremendous self-control, maintaining order even in the face of state-sponsored violence. During the time of the resistance in Gwangju, not a single case of looting or theft occurred, which served as a source of pride and model to be emulated throughout Korea's subsequent democratization process. Koreans came to understand that acting with integrity is the greatest form of achievement that ordinary people can display to resist unjust authority. Achieving victory through ethical integrity may appear slow, but indeed, it is the fastest way to change the world.
The task that remained was to spread the truth about Gwangju. The Korean democratization movement has been all about exposing the state-sponsored violence inflicted upon Gwangju and bringing to light the hidden facts of the case. I also worked in Busan as a lawyer and took part in the efforts to publicize what happened in Gwangju. Many young people risked their lives and continued to make efforts to revive the Gwangju story; democracy was ultimately found in Korea and Gwangju became sacred place of democratization.
Significantly, the first person to bring the story of a besieged Gwangju to the outside world was a German TV reporter, Jürgen Hinzpeter, who worked in Japan as a foreign correspondent for the German public broadcaster ARD-NDR. Koreans are profoundly grateful to Mr. Hinzpeter. In May 2016, his fingernail clippings and strands of his hair were interred at the May 18th National Cemetery in fulfillment of his last wishes.This file photo taken on April 30, 2019 shows President Moon Jae-in. (Yonhap)
2. Candlelight Revolution, Gwangju Revisited
I am bringing up the story of Gwangju in 1980 because I wish to talk about Gwangju today.
Korea's Candlelight Revolution took place during the winter of 2016, amid bone-chilling weather. The movement began with people asking what kind of country deserves to be called a "properly functioning nation." Korean society witnessed more severe economic disparities and polarization going through the Asian foreign currency crisis that began in late 1997 as well as a global financial crisis that hit in 2008. The forces of finance and capital strengthened, while the labor environment worsened with the spread of contracted non-regular workers. The public's sense of loss was made all the more acute by the corrupt practices of the privileged class. Then, the Sewol Ferry capsized while sailing through the Maenggol Waterway near Jindo Island off Korea's southern coast, and hundreds of precious young students died as a result of the absence of proper rescue procedures. In the grip of great sorrow, the Korean people began searching for a new way forward on their own.
The Candlelight Revolution continued for months as parents with their children, mothers pushing baby-carriages, students with their teachers, workers, and businesspeople all came together to heat up the icy surfaces of city plazas and squares around the country. In March 2017, the Korean people, without a single incident of violence, finally removed from power an administration that had violated constitutional values. The most ordinary of people employed the most peaceful of means to safeguard democracy. The spirit of Gwangju in 1980 resurfaced in the Candlelight Revolution of 2017. Ever grateful, I remember the German press that described Korea's Candlelight Revolution as a "festival of light," intermingled with songs and public performances, and profusely praised the people for showing a high level of democratic awareness.
The current Korean Administration was born out of the yearnings expressed by the Candlelight Revolution. I will never forget the will of the public, wishing for a nation of justice and fairness. I believe that the kind of nation wished for by the Candlelight Revolution is one in which the ordinary people can secure decent jobs through a fair process and pursue their dreams under the responsibility and protection of a just government.
Sustainable national advancement is possible when ordinary people are happy in their everyday lives. An inclusive nation is one in which people come together to share their strength, individuals can grow along with the entire nation, and the achievements are evenly enjoyed.
Korea is now moving toward an "innovative, inclusive nation." In this kind of country, anyone can study as much as he or she wants without worrying about the costs, pursue dreams without fear of failure and enjoy a comfortable life after retirement. I believe the challenges assumed and innovations achieved upon this foundation will preserve democracy and drive the Korean economy's innovative growth.
Achieving "inclusive nation" status is a great experiment in transforming the socioeconomic system to embrace inclusiveness, fairness and innovation.
In the area of employment, an effort is underway to create more jobs of higher quality. A minimum wage increase and reduced working hours are being pursued through social consent so that workers can enjoy a higher quality of life and receive proper pay for the work they perform. The Government has focused on increasing the youth employment budget and training middle-aged people for reemployment so that they can take charge of their post-retirement lives. In addition, we increased the basic pension and the budget for creating new jobs for the elderly.
Turning to economic issues, our Government has pursued win-win strategies encompassing large companies, which have been the mainstays of the Korean economy, and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Regulations have been boldly reduced so that innovative startups and SMEs can grow rapidly, while access to financing has become innovation-friendly.
In the area of welfare, we are building a social safety net tailored to different stages of life. The scope of national health insurance coverage has been broadened, and the childcare system is being expanded at the state level so that parents need not worry while raising children. In order to create a society that discriminates against no one, the Government has established a comprehensive policy covering each life cycle stage for persons with developmental disorders. In addition, improvements are being made in the protection of women's rights and interests, and cases of gender bias are dealt with sternly. Greater support is also being given to the children of foreign workers and to multicultural families. In the area of education, the system will be overhauled to provide innovative education that stresses creativity over rote memorization and the competition for college admission.
However, conflict can occur in the process of transformation and the elimination of embedded practices. Time is needed for the interested parties to discuss their concerns with one another, adjust and compromise. And through this, we need to find solutions that benefit everyone. A grand social compromise must accompany this effort for the great experiment to succeed.
The Republic of Korea, once a land devastated by colonization and war, has managed to emerge as the world's eleventh-largest economy in just over 70 years. We managed to achieve this by quickly responding to change. On our own, we went through an unprecedented national transformation, moving from an agriculture-based economy to light manufacturing, then to the heavy and chemical industries, and finally onto cutting-edge ICT. The Republic of Korea is the only country to gain independence after World War II that has emerged as an advanced economy. We have displayed the potential to succeed after starting with nothing but our bare hands. The Korean people do not fear change; rather, we are a people who use change proactively.
A grand social compromise of significance has been achieved in Gwangju recently. For more than five years, workers and employers as well as the private and public sectors have come together without bickering over individual interests to create more jobs while keeping wages at reasonable levels. The workers had to give up a portion of their pay. Employers suffered difficulties, too, for they had to control their expenses while guaranteeing permanent jobs and assuming responsibility for benefits. The public has stepped up its demands for access to a decent living, posing difficulties for the Government in this compromise as well. The Government had to amend various laws and regulations and provide support to ensure sound corporate operation.
The tasks were not easy, but in the end the grand social compromise was achieved by making concessions and sharing the pain. In Korea, this is known as "Gwangju-type job creation." People say that this was the result of the "Gwangju spirit," sacrificing self-interests for the greater good. I believe Gwangju, sacred ground in Korea's democratization, has created a model for the grand social compromise and has taken the first step toward economic democracy.
The Gwangju-type job creation approach carries additional significance, for it reflects the look of a more mature society. This achievement shows how workers, employers and local regions can mutually benefit amid a rapidly changing industrial structure.
Gwangju-type job creation will serve as a critical turning point on the road toward our becoming an "innovative, inclusive nation." Long experience has taught Koreans that advancing together while achieving social consensus is good for all, even if it appears to be slow. Koreans know that working together while each party makes some concessions will turn out to be the fastest way to get the job done. Gwangju in May 1980 lit the candle of democracy, and in the same way Gwangju-type job creation has offered hope of a new era through social consensus and has become a stepping stone toward our becoming an inclusive nation.
Inclusiveness allows greatness to be found amid the ordinary. It can bring ordinariness together to make change and establish a new environment. The Korean Government is now committed to replicating the success of Gwangju-type job creation nationwide.
Germany is one of the countries that have realized inclusiveness and innovation in the best possible ways. In their recent history, the Germans reunified peacefully and achieved social consensus inclusively and innovatively. Germany's example continues to inspire Koreans. Meanwhile, I hope Korea's Gwangju also inspires many people around the world who are searching for a new social order.
3. The World of Ordinary People
Precisely a century ago, a new era opened in Korea through the collective strength of ordinary people. Koreans were subjected to the colonial rule of the Japanese Empire, and they began their independence manse movement (i.e., publicly shouting "Long Live Independence!") on March 1, 1919. Some 2.02 million people, or 10 percent of the entire population, took part in the demonstrations. Out in front of the crowds stood nameless people, to include woodcutters, gisaeng (female entertainers), the visually impaired, miners, and serfs.
The March 1st Independence Movement is crucial to Korea for two key reasons. First, civic consciousness blossomed through the movement. The thirst for popular sovereignty, freedom and equality, and peace penetrated individuals' lives, and in the process the barriers of class, region, gender and religion were lowered. The people went from being royal subjects to being citizens of a country, and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was established in Shanghai.
The Provisional Government's aspirations were not limited to resisting Japanese imperialism; its members dreamed of establishing an entirely new country. The name "Republic of Korea" was decided on April 11, 1919, and the "Provisional Charter of the Constitution" was promulgated. The Republic of Korea clearly presented itself as a democratic republic rather than as a monarchy. Article 3 of the Provisional Charter stipulated, "All citizens of the Republic of Korea shall be equal, regardless of social class, or whether they are a man or woman, or rich or poor." All citizens, including women, were guaranteed the right to vote and eligibility for election. Ahn Chang-ho, a Korean independence activist who participated in the establishment of the Provisional Government, had this to say: "In the past, the emperor was just one person, but now our 20 million citizens are all emperors." This is a truly explicit description of a democratic republic.
The Provisional Government carried out a colonial liberation movement from a place of exile for nearly 27 years. This case is unparalleled in the history of such movements, and the Allied Powers guaranteed Korean independence in their Cairo Declaration, thanks to the work of the Provisional Government.
Second, Koreans came to realize that no force is as great as the bringing together of people's hearts and minds. They came to trust one another and travel down paths never attempted before. Sim Hun was a modern Korean novelist who participated in the March 1st Independence Movement. He was incarcerated in a Japanese imperial prison, from which he sent the following message in a letter to his mother:
"Mother! We may offer up our prayers a thousand, ten thousand times, but these firmly shut prison doors will not open by themselves. No matter how much we wail and scream, our greatest wishes will not suddenly come true one day. However, no power is as great as when people's hearts and minds are brought together. Nothing is as formidable as people working together as one. We always trust in that great force."
Contemporary Korean history is a history of taking on challenges. We overcame colonialism and national division, war and poverty to advance toward democracy and economic development. Ordinary people were the ones who made these waves of historic undertakings possible. During the century following the March 1st Independence Movement, Koreans have lived while cherishing a wellspring of communal spirit in their hearts. They have acted in concert each time a crisis occurs. "I want to live well, but I do not want to live well alone." "I want freedom, but I do not want freedom for me alone." Sentiments such as these have been brought together to allow the powerful wave of history to surge forward.
I believe that democracy is not an institution or a tool for running a country; rather, it is a matter of intrinsic value. I consider it to be the way for ordinary people, by participating in the decision-making processes that impact their own lives and letting their voices be heard, to secure their rights as citizens and their dignity as human beings. We can build a better democracy. As John Dewey has said, the solution to the ills of democracy is more democracy.
Democracy spreads as the common people come to respect and complement it. Real democracy is practiced when it reaches individual lives, workplaces and society, beyond formality and establishment of institutional structure. All of these reflect the power of ordinariness, and advancement is achieved by accumulating this ordinariness.
Ordinary people in Korea who fought against the colonial oppression and discrimination they faced a century ago ushered in the era of a democratic republic. The passion for freedom and democracy, peace and equality still holds strong after the passage of a hundred years. The spirit of the March 1st Independence Movement has been rekindled whenever the country became something other than a "properly functioning nation."
1 General Park Chung-hee took power in a coup on May 16, 1961, and his regime dissolved the National Assembly, suspended the Constitution and declared martial law on Oct. 17, 1972. A new electoral college called the National Council for Unification was set up, and Park launched the Fourth Republic on Dec. 23. The new Yusin (維新 Revitalizing Reform) Constitution, granting Park lifetime dictatorial powers, was announced on Dec. 27. The government also announced emergency measures banning any public dissent against the Yusin regime, and a crackdown ensued. Park Chung-hee was assassinated on Oct. 26, 1979, and the regime dissolved.
2 Soon after Park Chung-hee was assassinated on Oct. 26, 1979, key members of the Hanahoe, a secret military club led by General Chun Doo-hwan and consisting mainly of graduates from the 11th and 12th classes of the Korea Military Academy, seized power. They organized a coup on Dec. 12, 1979 and put down the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement the following year. The Hanahoe members who carried out the Dec. 12 coup were later named "the new military junta (新軍部)" to set this group apart from the military government that had existed under Park Chung-hee.